Trade Union Movement and Youth in the Contemporary Context

May 29th, 2026

During the previous industrial era, the trade union movement fought political and legal battles against harsh labour exploitation and inhuman treatment — and achieved important victories. But in today’s modern, digital and globalised age, the role of trade unions has changed. Trade unions must now lead not only struggles for rights, but also efforts towards industrial peace, innovation, employment generation, skills development, universal social security and national prosperity. Successfully guiding this digital and policy transformation of the labour market together with the younger generation is the new historic responsibility of the contemporary trade union movement.

1. The Present: The Meaning of Time and the Contemporary Context

The “present” refers to that moment in time which is unfolding now — neither confined to the past nor yet arrived in the future. Philosophically, the present is not merely a point in time; it is a living sphere of experience, decision and action, where human beings learn from the past and determine the direction of the future. Simply put, the present is the real moment in which our consciousness, actions and transformative capacities become active; it is where life is truly lived.

In a broader sense, “today’s time” refers to the current age and the prevailing historical, social, economic and technological conditions in which we live. It signifies not merely the present day or hour, but also the wider tendencies shaping the modern world — such as digital technology, artificial intelligence, rapid social transformation, and new forms of labour and lifestyles.

In simple terms, the “present” or “today’s time” represents the overall condition, tendencies and defining character of the contemporary world and society.

2. Key Concepts

2.1 The Trade Union Movement

The “trade union movement” refers to the collective movement organised by workers in pursuit of their common rights, interests, security, dignified wages, better working conditions and social justice. It is not merely a campaign for higher wages; it is also a process of organised socio-economic struggle and cooperation for labour rights, democratic rights, social security, dignity at the workplace, equality and workers’ participation.

In a broader sense, the trade union movement is the organised expression of working-class consciousness, solidarity and social transformation.

2.2 Youth

Youth is not merely a category defined by age; it is a social force filled with energy, potential, innovative thinking and the capacity to bring change. Young people constitute that active section of society which questions old structures, advances new ideas, dares to take risks and plays a decisive role in shaping the future economic, political and cultural direction of society.

Thus, youth should be understood not only as an age group, but as a dynamic force of creativity, transformation and social renewal.

2.3 Labour

Labour refers to the conscious and purposeful human activity through which people use their physical or mental capacities to produce goods or services. It is not simply employment or work; it is the fundamental force that sustains human life, keeps society functioning and builds the economy.

Whether in manufacturing, services or technology-based occupations, labour remains the principal source of value creation and plays a decisive role in the development of both individuals and society.

2.4 Labour Relations

Labour relations refer to the social, economic and legal relationships between workers (those who perform labour) and employers or entrepreneurs (those who provide work or own enterprises) concerning work, wages, rights, obligations and workplace conditions. These include the nature of work, wages and salaries, working hours, occupational safety, social security, the right to organise through trade unions, and mechanisms for dispute resolution.

Simply put, labour relations are not merely a matter of bargaining between the buyer and seller of labour power. They are dynamic social relationships involving dignity, power, cooperation and, at times, conflict — relationships that shape both the character of the production system and the living standards of workers.

Sometimes there can be confusion in the context of labour relations and production relations. Production relations explain the economic structure of society, whereas labour relations refer to the practical agreements and negotiations that take place in the workplace.

2.5 Modes of Production

The “mode of production” refers to the overall system through which a society produces goods and services. It includes both the means of production — such as land, machinery, technology and capital — and the relations of production among people, including who works, who owns, and who benefits from production.

In simple terms, the mode of production refers to how society produces the necessities of life and what kinds of economic and class relations emerge in that process. Feudalism, capitalism and socialism, for example, represent different modes of production.

3. Political Economy, Labour Relations and the Mode of Production: Their Interrelationship

Politics, socio-economic structures and systems of production are deeply interconnected. Politics is the concentrated expression of the economy, while the economic system forms the foundation of politics. The type of production system existing within a society largely determines the kind of social relations that develop within it.

In analysing political economy and production systems, three interrelated concepts are central: the mode of production, production relations and labour relations. Each influences and shapes the others.

The mode of production determines the character of production relations. It defines forms of ownership, systems of control and the socio-economic relationships arising from them. Production relations, in turn, shape labour relations.

At the same time, labour relations can also influence the mode of production itself. Workers’ movements, social struggles and collective dialogue possess the potential to transform ownership structures, systems of control and ultimately the production system itself.

Politics leads movements; movements bring change; and change transforms systems. Changes in the economic base create “new conditions”, which in turn require new laws and institutions to regulate them. New laws seek to stabilise those conditions, yet contradictions often remain when remnants of the old system continue to survive.

Thus, after every major political and social transformation, processes of legal reform, amendment and restructuring continue to unfold.

4. A Historical Overview of Labour Relations and Modes of Production in Nepal

With the rise of industrial labour movements, Nepal too adopted mechanisms for regulating labour relations.

Every major movement in Nepal emerged because the prevailing political system failed to adequately address socio-economic exploitation and oppression. Each struggle against an existing system produced new historical conditions. Labour relations in Nepal have repeatedly evolved through debate, contestation, negotiation and the introduction of new legal arrangements.

The first organised labour movement in Nepal began on 4 March 1947 (21 Falgun 2003 B.S.). Workers at the Biratnagar Jute Mills protested against low wages, poor working conditions and the absence of labour rights. That strike later evolved into a broader democratic movement against the Rana regime.

Over the course of eight decades, Nepal’s organised trade union movement has passed through many ups and downs. From the autocratic Rana regime to absolute monarchy, the partyless Panchayat system, the multiparty parliamentary democracy and finally the present federal democratic republic, the movement has experienced four distinct political systems. Historically, labour relations in Nepal have been shaped through four different political orders, four distinct attempts at reform, and three major labour laws.

First Phase: The Autocratic Rana Regime

When our senior leaders, Girija Prasad Koirala and Manmohan Adhikari, organised the first strike in the factories of Biratnagar on 4 March 1947, there was no labour law — only decrees and arbitrary authority. The prevailing justice was: “Stay if you can; leave if you cannot. Survive if you can; perish if you cannot.” There was no room for bargaining between “those who worked” and “those who employed”.

When the pioneers demanded the implementation of the “Bengal Award” or “Katiyar Award”, they were essentially demanding some form of law or regulation to govern labour relations — rules defining what workers and employers could or could not do.

In 1951, democracy achieved. Yet the country spent nearly a decade debating questions such as: Should the monarchy remain? What form should multiparty democracy take? Which ideas should be permitted and which restricted? Should a constitution precede elections? During this transitional period, no labour law was enacted.

Second Phase: The Beginning of Parliamentary Democracy

In 1959, Nepal held its first general election. Under the leadership of B. P. Koirala, the Nepali Congress formed the first democratically elected government with a two-thirds majority. On 29 June 1959, the “Factory and Factory Workers Act, 2016” was enacted, ensuring trade union representation in social dialogue.

However, before the law could be fully implemented, a royal coup took place. Under the partyless Panchayat regime imposed for three decades under absolute monarchy, there was little possibility for dialogue-based labour relations. Labour relations remained conflict-driven.

Third Phase: Multiparty Democracy and Dialogue-Based Labour Relations

Following the Constitution of 1990, the Labour Act 1992 and the Trade Union Act 1993 were enacted. These laws ensured trade union representation within tripartite and multiparty labour mechanisms. Labour relations entered a new stage — one in which conflicts were increasingly addressed through dialogue.

Fourth Phase: Federal Democratic Republic and the Era of Cooperation

After the promulgation of the Constitution of 2015, a new Labour Act (2017) and the Contribution-Based Social Security Act were introduced under the federal, inclusive and democratic republic.

These laws brought labour relations into a phase of “dialogue and cooperation”. Workers’ demands began to be interpreted in terms of rights and interests. Labour relations gradually moved from dialogue towards cooperation, and from cooperation towards coexistence. In the context of labour relations, this represented the beginning of a new era.

5. The Contemporary Context: Change and Young Workers

Today, we find ourselves amidst changing economic, social and political conditions following last year’s “Gen-Z” demonstrations. Change is generally understood as a progressive process. Yet debates have now emerged over whether the current transformation is moving society forward or pushing it towards regression.

There is a Nepali saying: “As the ruler, so the rule.” In other words, the nature of governance reflects the thinking of those who govern.

Today, several serious concerns have emerged:

• Efforts have begun to restrict trade unions through ordinances and administrative measures.
• Trade unions that cannot be directly banned are increasingly criticised and dismissed as “party-affiliated unions”.
• Bipartite, tripartite and multiparty platforms representing workers are being weakened.
• The 10 per cent service charge secured after years of struggle in the hotel and tourism sector has been abolished.
• Instead of strengthening confidence in the contribution-based social security system, conditions are being created that undermine public trust in it.

What Is To Be Done?

Even if we momentarily set aside the broader democratic objectives of the movement, every phase of Nepal’s eight-decade-long trade union history has fundamentally been a movement “of workers, by workers and for workers”.

Therefore, the question of whether trade unions are necessary is not merely a matter for union leaders or political parties. It is the concern of every worker. Precisely because it concerns them directly, young workers themselves have historically led these movements.

Let us remember:

• In 1947, movement leaders Girija Prasad Koirala (23) and Manmohan Adhikari (27) were both young in age and spirit.
• In 1972, Khagendra Rai, who became a martyr during the Biratnagar Jute Mill’s movement, was under thirty years of age.
• Most leaders of the workers’ movement of 1978–79 belonged to the 20–30 age group.
• Even I was only twenty-seven years old when I became the founding General Secretary of GEFONT in 1989.

Thus, “youth intervention” in labour movements is not something new; it is a historical continuity of the workers’ movement itself. Once again, the trade union movement needs that same youthful energy, courage and consciousness to move forward.

Yet the world today is undergoing rapid transformation. The global economy, systems of production, labour markets, technology and patterns of employment are changing at unprecedented speed. Artificial intelligence, automation, the digital economy, platform-based labour, gig work, outsourcing and global migration are challenging traditional forms of labour relations.

Today’s working class is no longer confined within factory walls. Employees, teachers, bank-employees, health workers, IT professionals, freelancers, gig workers, platform workers, migrant workers and their families are all part of the modern labour movement.

Therefore, the trade union movement must reorganise its ideological, policy and organisational structures according to the demands of the times. Organisational renewal has become essential.

However, the younger generation has not yet been sufficiently drawn towards trade unions. In some cases, unions are still perceived merely as instruments of political sloganeering, strikes and outdated organisational culture. Yet the reality is that the agenda of modern trade unionism extends far beyond wage increases. It now includes skills and competencies, digital transformation, productivity, social security, employment generation, protection of national industries and inclusive prosperity.

Trade unions are no longer merely centres of protest and street agitation. They are modern schools where young people can achieve professional advancement, legal protection, skills development, workplace dignity and social leadership. Today’s youth and students are tomorrow’s workers and the real foundation of future trade unionism.

The labour movement of today is no longer that of the nineteenth century. It should not oppose technology; rather, it must seek to use technology to protect workers’ interests. The struggle to make artificial intelligence, robotics and digital platforms worker-friendly rather than worker-hostile must define the direction of the modern trade union movement.

Therefore, today’s young workers must raise the slogan: Learn, teach and organise for your rights and professional advancement.

The agenda of the contemporary trade union movement must include not only the right to work, but also dignity of labour, skills enhancement, technological progress and prosperity.

6. Some Policy Agendas for the Transformation of the Trade Union Movement

6.1 Workers’ Welfare and Protection

• Ensure dignified wages based on scientific wage formulas linked to the cost-of-living index.
• Guarantee universal social security by including temporary, contract, outsourced and gig workers in contribution-based schemes.
• Legally institutionalise paid internships and apprenticeship programmes based on the principle of “earn while you learn”.

6.2 Skills, Production and Cooperation

• Launch a “skills revolution” focused on AI, robotics, fintech and green jobs.
• Promote worker-industry cooperation through social dialogue and productivity compacts.
• Encourage cooperative enterprises owned and managed by workers themselves.
• Advocate strongly for national industrialisation, since workers’ futures cannot be secured without strong and self-reliant industries.

6.3 Sectoral and Special Issues

• Ensure equal pay for equal work and zero tolerance for workplace harassment against women workers.
• Protect migrant workers and provide reintegration and re-employment packages for returnees.
• Organise workers in the informal economy, including transport, construction, domestic work, street vending and delivery-platform services.
• Guarantee mental health services and workplace accident insurance.
• Establish “right to disconnect” provisions and digital labour standards for remote workers.

Additional sector-specific initiatives may include:

• Reskilling and AI-transition agreements in banking.
• Dignity campaigns for teachers and staff in private educational institutions.
• Safe working hours and workplace security in the health sector.
• Labour standards for start-ups and innovation industries in the IT sector.
• Strict “Safety First” programmes in the construction industry.
• Welfare schemes for seasonal tourism workers, trekking labourers and hotel workers.

7. Seven Major Demands Before the Government

1. Strict implementation of minimum wages and labour audits.
2. Immediate legislation covering gig, freelance and informal-sector workers, ensuring their inclusion in social security schemes.
3. Expansion and strengthening of labour courts for speedy dispute resolution.
4. Establishment of a national Skills Development Fund and Youth Employment Guarantee Programme.
5. Immediate enactment of service regulations for private-sector teachers and safety codes for health workers.
6. Special incentive packages for domestic industries tied to employment creation.
7. Same-day labour approval and digital pre-departure orientation for migrant workers, along with reintegration packages for returnees.

8. Conclusion

During the previous industrial era, the trade union movement fought political and legal battles against harsh labour exploitation and inhuman treatment — and achieved important victories. But in today’s modern, digital and globalised age, the role of trade unions has changed.

Trade unions must now lead not only struggles for rights, but also efforts towards industrial peace, innovation, employment generation, skills development, universal social security and national prosperity. Successfully guiding this digital and policy transformation of the labour market together with the younger generation is the new historic responsibility of the contemporary trade union movement.

[Presented at the National Conference on “Changed Context: Trade Union Movement and Youth”, 
organised by ITUC-NAC on May 27, 2026)]